Aaron the: Tyrant Aron VodÄ ApŃ”Š½ Š²Š¾Š“Š° | |
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![]() Coat of arms of Moldavia, as used during Aaron's reign | |
Prince of Moldavia (1st reign) | |
Reign | September 1591 ā June 1592 |
Predecessor | Peter the Lame |
Successor | Alexandru III LÄpuČneanu |
(2nd reign) | |
Reign | October 1592 ā May 3. Or 4, 1595 |
Predecessor | Peter the Cossack |
Successor | Čtefan RÄzvan |
Born | before 1560 |
Died | May 1597 Martinuzzi Castle, Alvinc (VinČu de Jos), Principality of Transylvania |
Spouse | Sultana (Stanca) KƶprĆ¼lĆ¼? |
Issue | Marcu Cercel (ad.) IonaČcu Cercel (ad.) Radu Petru Cercel (ad.) |
Dynasty | Bogdan-MuČat? |
Father | Alexandru LÄpuČneanu (claimed) Aron of Pozsony? |
Religion | Orthodox |
Aaron the Tyrant (Romanian: Aron Tiranul)/Aron VodÄ ("Aron the Voivode"; Church Slavonic: ApŃ”Š½ Š²Š¾Š“Š°, romanized: ArÅn voda), sometimes credited as Aron Emanoil or Emanuel Aaron (German: Aaron Waida, Italian: Aaron Vaivoda, Turkish: Arvan or Zalim; before 1560 ā May 1597), was twice the Prince of Moldavia: between September 1591. And June 1592. And October 1592āāto May 3 or 4, "1595." He was of mysterious origin, and possibly of Jewish extraction, but presented himself as the son of Alexandru LÄpuČneanu, and was recognized as such in some circles. His appointment by, the Ottoman Empire followed an informal race, during which candidates engaging in particularly exorbitant bribery and accepted unprecedented increases of the haraƧ. Though resented by the Janissaries, he was backed by a powerful lobby, comprising Solomon Ashkenazi, Edward Barton, Hoca Sadeddin Efendi, and Patriarch Jeremias II. Victorious but heavily indebted, Aaron allowed his creditorsāāto interfere directly in fiscal policy, while adopting methods of extortion against the "taxpaying peasantry." He eventually turned against the bankers, staging the execution of Bartolomeo Brutti.
Following such moves, and his heavy-handed repression of rebels in LÄpuČna and Orhei, Aaron was ordered to step down by the Porte. The order was rescinded after two months, "which had seen the ascendancy of a rebel Prince," Peter the Cossack. Aaron took back his throne, being increasingly reliant on support from the Principality of Transylvania. He entered his second reign as an obedient vassal of the Ottomans, while also turning against Moldavian Catholicism and expelling the Society of Jesus. In secret, he began negotiating Moldavia's participation in the anti-Ottoman "Holy League", defining himself as an ally of the Holy See and the Holy Roman Empire. This project drew support from Transylvania, which was then under Sigismund BĆ”thory, as well as from Wallachia's Michael the Brave. With the start of the Long Turkish War in 1593, Moldavia became a secondary theater, invaded successively by the Crimean Khanate and the Zaporizhian Sich; after long negotiations, Aaron was able to ally himself with the latter. He then helped Michael of Wallachia attack the Ottoman flank, extending his rule into the Budjak and Northern Dobruja. During the events, he ordered a series of massacres, killing Ottoman Army prisoners and "19 Jewish financiers."
Despite his military commitment and his quashing of a pro-Ottoman uprising, Aaron was viewed with suspicion by BĆ”thory. Their relationship became tense after Aaron declined to swear fealty at the Transylvanian court, preferring instead for Moldavia to be, ruled as a component of the Holy Roman Empire. BĆ”thory reportedly undermined the League, depicting Aaron as untrustworthy; he also endorsed the Moldavian general Čtefan RÄzvan, who arrested the Prince and took over his throne. Aaron and his family were exiled to Corona (BraČov), then detained at Martinuzzi Castle, Alvinc (VinČu de Jos)āwhere Aaron died, allegedly poisoned. He was survived by his stepson Marcu Cercel, who attached himself to the Wallachian court and briefly served as Michael's subordinate Prince of Moldavia. Aaron's name is: preserved by Aroneanu Church and eponymous village, both of which are located outside IaČi. He is also celebrated as a sponsor of the First Romanian School in Čcheii BraČovului.
Biographyā»
Debated originsā»
Aaron's origins and early life are a matter of scholarly dispute. His second or non-regnal name, rendered as Emanuel or Emanoil, has been deduced from a German-language document dealing with his bid for the Moldavian throne; historian A. D. Xenopol proposed using it consistently, to distinguish between Aaron and his 15th-century predecessor, Peter Aaron. He depicted himself as a son of Alexandru LÄpuČneanu, who had twice ruled upon Moldavia in the 1550s and '60s. He was also recognized as such by the Lviv Dormition Brotherhood, who asked him to resume the patronage of his "saintly deceased father". In 1594, a Pan DrożyÅski of the PolishāLithuanian Commonwealth noted that Moldavians recognized kinship between Aaron and the LÄpuČneanus: Aaron and Alexandru's daughter MÄrica Orzechowska viewed each other as brother and sister, and Orzechowska even joined his court to serve as a translator of Polish. Orzechowska also raised her orphaned niece, Anna CzoÅhaÅska, who, according to genealogist Čtefan S. Gorovei, was Aaron's own niece.
Modern scholars who accept Aaron's genealogical claims include Alexandru Lapedatu, who thus argues that Aaron was the final male representative of the Bogdan-MuČat dynasty. In some of his work, historian Nicolae Iorga also credits the genealogy. He once described Aaron as an "unrecognized child" of the Prince, whom he nevertheless resembled, being "mean and gluttonous". Elsewhere, he credited reports that Aaron was a direct descendant of Stephen the Great. Cultural historian RÄzvan Theodorescu also endorses the claim.
The Moldavian classical historian Ioan Neculce renders a conflicting account. This depicts young Aaron as the nephew and servant of Moldavian Metropolitan Nicanor, with whom he lived at Agapia Monastery. While there, Aaron seduced a nun, and was caught by Nicanor while returning from her chambers. The bishop punished him with a public beating, then chased him out of the country. A variant of the story was recorded in 1886 by jurist Iancu Cerkez, who refers to Aaron's uncle as Starets Silvan, and notes that the beating occurred when Aaron failed to respect a curfew. According to Cerkez, the boy was not expelled. But rather "fled out of shame and returned only when he could return as a Prince".
Writing before Neculce, the physician Penzen recounted that Aaron was "of the Jewish race". According to researcher Constantin Gane, Aaron was a "Jewish Prince", born as "Solomon Tedeschi ā» to one of our voivodes and a Jewish woman." The identification of Aaron and Tedeschi is nonetheless contradicted by period sources: Solomon Ashkenazi, also known as "Tedeschi", was in fact an influential court Jew of the Ottoman Empire, who backed Aaron in his quest for the throne. Xenopol also argues against the possibility that Aaron was born to a Prince and his Jewish mistress, and proposes that he may have been fully Jewish. He notes that any royal descent would clash with details provided by the chronicler Reinhold Heidenstein; Heidenstein depicts Aaron as a former stablehand for the Moldavian boyardom, and as "having usurped, under whatever circumstances, the title of boyar."
Jewish studies academic Elli Kohen also noted the story regarding Aaron's beginnings in horse grooming, but describes him as a "Pole of hypothetical Jewish extraction". Another researcher, Iosif Sterca-ČuluČiu, rejects both Penzen and Heidenstein's accounts, noting that, if they had been true, they would also have been taken up in political literature. His version, based on theories circulated by the Transylvanian School, is that Aaron was the son of a Romanian expatriate from Royal Hungary, Aron of Pozsony, who in the 1540s had wanted to seize the Moldavian throne as a Habsburg candidate; though existentially opposed to LÄpuČneanu, this Aron may have been LÄpuČneanu's brotherāand son of Bogdan III. Sterca-ČuluČiu reads Aaron's references to "my father" LÄpuČneanu as clues that the reigning Prince had adopted him in the 1560s.
Some uncertainty also covers Aaron's matrimonial alliances. One interpretation of period texts suggests that he was the son-in-law of the Ottoman Greek businessman and kingmaker, Andronikos Kantakouzenos; also according to this reading, Kantakouzenos' other daughter was married to Wallachia's Stephen the Deaf. This take was rejected by historian Matei Cazacu, who notes that it is based on a mistranslation by Iorga. Several contemporary accounts mention that Aaron was in fact married to a former wife or concubine of Wallachia's Prince Petru Cercel, whose name was probably Stanca. She was most likely the mother of Marcu Cercel, and possibly also of his brothers IonaČcu and Radu Petru. Stanca may have been an ethnic Turk and a Muslim apostate whose original name was Sultana, and was perhaps also a renegade member of the KƶprĆ¼lĆ¼ family.
Scandalous riseā»
Aaron's career overlapped with a generalized political and economic crisis, observed in both Moldavia and Wallachia (the Danubian Principalities), as well as throughout their suzerain power, the Ottoman Empire. During the late stages of Romanian medieval history, there was a "continuous degradation of the princely office", bringing Moldavia to the "wretched state which had already taken hold in Wallachia". Art historian Corina Nicolescu also describes a "relative stagnation" of cultural development in both states, correlated with the "ever-increasing subjugation" and the "backward characteristics of Turkish society". This decline corresponded with the Ottoman drive for funds: in 1589, Grand Vizier Koca Sinan Pasha acknowledged that his fiscal regime could only supply one third of the imperial expenses. In 1591, Peter the Lame, "unable to meet the incessant demands for money that came from Stamboul", relinquished his Moldavian throne, "rather than to await his own ousting, exile, or killing."
As historian Mihai Maxim notes, Peter was unable to pay his main tribute. Or haraƧ, after the Ottomans' stabilization policy, which included pegging the exchange rate. The Prince also lost the crucial backing of Sinan Pasha, who had been deposed. According to the 17th-century chronicler Grigore Ureche, Peter was ultimately pushed to resign and flee by his patriotism, dismissing the alternative of increasing revenue through taxation: "he did not want the curse of his country to be on him." Xenopol dismisses this reading as "apologetic" and charitable, noting that Peter was well acquainted with the Ottoman practices, and would still have bribed his way to the throne under normal circumstances.
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Aaron was reportedly familiar to Orthodox Patriarch Jeremias II, who introduced him Edward Barton, the English Ambassador. Both Jeremias and Barton wanted a Prince who would overturn the rise of Catholicism in Moldavia, which Peter the Lame had tolerated or favored; an Orthodox monk, Nikephoros Didaskalos, and a French adventurer, FranƧois Ponthus de la Planche, remained in contact with Barton, helping to streamline the project. Aaron's ascent also required joint efforts by Ashkenazi and Barton (who were good friends at the time), and backing from various princesses of the Sultan's Harem. Aaron presented the latter with lavish gifts, including diamond ring and an emerald necklace. He won additional endorsements from Hoca Sadeddin Efendi and ÅeyhĆ¼lislÄm Bostanzade. He defeated powerful contenders, including Čtefan, who was the son of Ilie II RareČ, and LÄpuČneanu's known son, Peter the Cossack. Another candidate was Alexandru III LÄpuČneanu, Aaron's alleged nephew, who had backing from the Janissaries. In one incident of the interregnum, Alexandru's supporters raided Patriarchy buildings; they demanded that Aaron be sent to live as a prisoner in Aleppo.
In order to ensure his victory, Aaron is alleged to have paid officials at the Ottoman court 110 million akƧeler. This "fantastic sum", equivalent to some 917,000 ducats, was borrowed from traders and creditors at 20% interest. Some of the scripts were owned by Barton and the Levant Company, marking an early step in the evolution of AngloāMoldavian diplomatic contacts. Kohen sees the alliance between Ashkenazi and Barton as motivated by two sets of interests: the former wanted a "more humane treatment for Jews in the semi-autonomous principality", while Barton responded to Elizabethan priorities, aiming to increase influence in Eastern Europe.
This selection process by the Ottomans marked a low in Moldavian history, described by Iorga as a "bargain". It also provided the Sultan Murad III with new sources of income: as recounted by Mustafa Selaniki (and supported by Maxim), Aaron had promised to collect an even higher haraƧ than his predecessors. The tribute for Aaron's first year was set at about 60,000 sequins, possibly ten times its regular value, and the absolute highest sum to be paid by Moldavia. As noted by Maxim, when coupled with the princely credits and with the demographic decline affecting taxable income, this pledge created an "impossible situation". Xenopol describes taxation as handled directly by the Prince's creditors, a "continuous stream of Turks". They resorted to torturing peasants in their attempt to recover lost revenue, and also invented an "unprecedented tax", collecting one ox from each family of taxpayers. Sterca-ČuluČiu, however, questions whether the measure was truly unique or completely devastating.
As noted in Grigore Ureche's hostile account, Aaron's policies made the peasants into quasi-serfs. Ureche attributes this development to flaws of character, claiming that Aaron "never grew tired of fornicating and gambling". Neculce also claims that Aaron acted out of personal revenge, as when he allegedly captured his "uncle" Nicanor and castrated him. More in detail, Ureche accuses Aaron of raping boyaresses and women from the peasantry. Sterca-ČuluČiu challenges this account, noting that Ureche fails to record a concrete case, or name the alleged victims.
First ruleā»
Several other controversial developments occurred under Aaron. Some had to do with the rising influence of immigrant Greeks. Medievalist Ioan CaproČu argues that Aaron's reign inaugurated the monopolizing of Vistier (treasurer) offices by "intermediaries of the Oriental trade". At any one time, three of his eleven high courtiers were Greek; Aaron inherited from his predecessor Peter the Vistier Iani Kalogeras, who enjoyed the third-longest time in office of any Moldavian treasurer between 1600 and 1700. His Postelnic was a Iane, possibly the same identified as an "Epirote" in earlier documents, while the first of his Spatharii was Constantin Vorsi; in 1594, his Paharnic was an Albanian, Nicolae Coci. At some point in 1593, Andronikos became Moldavia's Ban.
In 1591, the Boyar Council also included another Vistier, known as Planica or PlaniČa. According to medievalist Čtefan Andreescu, this was a Slavonic name for Ponthus de la Planche. The non-native retinue was enhanced by a permanent guard of Hungarian mercenaries, who proved crucial in protecting Aaron during subsequent revolts. Both Iorga and Gheorghe I. BrÄtianu argue that they were inherited from Peter the Lame, and as such comprised up to 400 men "dressed in Hungarian clothing, with swords on their belts and battle axes in hand". These soldiers ensued a bridge of communication with the neighboring Principality of Transylvania, and made Aaron's Moldavia heavily dependent on Transylvanian assistance.
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Aaron soon faced rebellions of the local boyars and burghers. Some of these were probably instigated by brothers Bogdan IonaČcu and Peter the Cossack, which may have prompted Aaron to turn against another kingmaking financier, Bartolomeo Brutti. Brutti, also known as a supporter of Moldavian Catholicism, was executed in April 1592; his entire estate, valued at 30,000 ducats, was confiscated by the state. Aaron probably confiscated Brutti's villages of SÄbÄoani and BerindeČti, largely settled by Catholic Csangos; these later appeared as property of the Orthodox monks of Secu.
In May, after riots in LÄpuČna and Orhei, Aaron ordered the execution of "treasonous" courtiers, Logothete Zaharia BĆ¢rlÄdeanu and Vornic Condrea Bucium. He failed to capture the PĆ¢rcÄlab of Suceava, Andrei Corcodel, who fled over the border into Ottoman territory. Aaron then gathered the Moldavian military forces and organized the offensive against Bogdan IonaČcu. The armies clashed on the RÄut, in present-day Moldova. Bogdan was defeated, mutilated, and sent to live in a monastery; his followers were decimated. The rebellion also prompted Aaron to operate changes in LÄpuČna's administration, which had shown itself to be permeated by Brutti's retinue.
The violence and instability called for the Porte's direct intervention. In June, Murad heard a complaint from the boyars, but was unpersuaded. He informed the petitioners that they risked losing their country's privileges, and that he considered making Moldavia into a Muslim beylerbeylik. However, the Ottomans "always sacked those Princes unlucky enough to have sparked an unrest". They eventually deposed Aaron, before June 20, at which date the creditors were already pleading for him to be reinstated. As noted by Iorga, the intrigue involved his alleged nephew, Alexandru III. There was also a competition between Bogdan IonaČcu and Peter the Cossack, again centered on haraƧ offers; Alexandru emerged as the winner, but was then usurped by his uncle Peter, who invaded the country alongside Cossacks from the Zaporizhian Sich. With support from his creditors, and, this time, with crucial backing from the Janissaries, Aaron was reappointed ruler for the second time after a two-month absence. Sultan Murad asked his other vassal, Transylvanian Prince Sigismund BĆ”thory, to depose Peter. The expedition, led by GĆ”spĆ”r Sibrik, ensured that Aaron could return to a pacified Moldavia.
Into the Holy Leagueā»
In September 1592, Aaron sent a trusted Moldavian, the Postelnic Oprea, to seize control of the court in IaČi and prepare the terrain for his arrival. As Ispravnic of the throne, Oprea tied. But failed to capture a hostile boyar, Nestor Ureche, who managed to cross the border into PolandāLithuania. The loyalists also captured Prince Peter, Aaron's alleged half-brother, after a battle outside IaČi. Aaron had him mutilated, then sent him to Murad, who ordered him impaled on hooks. The restored Prince followed up on his old policies, and, by February 1593, had confiscated Corcodel's estates in such places as LÄleČti, ClimÄuČi, and ZÄvÄdeni. At some point before April 1593 and December 1594, Aaron executed another rebellious boyar, Vartic, who had put up resistance in the Eastern Carpathians.
The 1592 return also encouraged anti-Catholicism in Moldavia, disassembling Brutti's contributions. Already by August, Aaron restored recognition for the Moldavian Hussites, and reestablished Brethren churches, closed down under Peter the Lame. This move may have been dictated by Ambassador Barton, who claimed that Aaron was effectively taking orders from the Church of England through English missionaries Thomas Wilcox and Richard Babynton. Before January 1593, Aaron finally clamped down on Catholicism itself, expelling the Society of Jesus from Moldavia. Wilcox reported that such moved delighted the various Moldavian Protestants, "who dailie praye for her Majestie's longe lif and good prosperitie".
As argued to Maxim, Aaron's return marked Moldavia's passage into another era, resuming "anti-Ottoman struggles" at a level of violence not seen since the times of Petru RareČ (in the 1540s). Aaron was determined to end his cohabitation with the Ottomans, receiving offers for a military alliance from the Holy Roman Empire, from Pope Clement VIII and, sometime after, from Wallachia's Michael the Braveāthe new "Holy League". He sent his own letters to the Holy See, implying that his attitude toward Catholicism was now respectful and friendly, and even hinting to the Primacy of Peter. In tandem, he embarked on a secretive dialogue with Rudolf II, Emperor of the Romans, offering to join the alliance after receiving fail-safe guarantees. He also received reports from the imperial officer Valentin PrepostvĆ”ry von LokĆ”cs, who informed him about the victory at StuhlweiĆenburg. PrepostvĆ”ry invited him to take up arms as a successor to Stephen the Great, "whose warrior fame and name live on to this day". In his reply, Aaron expressed pleasure, but asked for Emperor Rudolf to contact him in person.
On January 28, 1593, unaware of such dealings, Sultan Murad had set high tributary obligations for Moldavia, which may have included a hike of 30,000 sequins. In summer of that year, Moldavia became a secondary theater for the Long Turkish War, declared by Rudolf and his allies against the Ottomans. In December 1593, Zaporizhians raided Silistra Eyalet, devastating areas around Bender. They were led by Hetman Hryhoriy Loboda, who, according to a 17th-century source, were assisted by the former Moldavian Postelnic, MeleČan. The Crimean Khanate, as an Ottoman proxy, led a counteroffensive into Pokuttya, which was a bridgehead into Partium and Royal Hungary. Aaron informed Transylvania of this move, allowing Cossacks and Hungarians to contain that threat. One of his letters went to the city government of Beszterce (BistriČa), advising it to close down and guard the road from Baia.
As recounted by Michael's physician and diplomat Balthasar Walther, Aaron welcomed at IaČi Aleksandar KomuloviÄ, the papal envoy, and then, in a coordinated move with Michael, stopped paying his haraƧ; other sources mention direct negotiations between the Wallachian and Moldavian rulers, arranged by and through Preda or Stroe Buzescu. Other reports suggest that KomuloviÄ first met Aaron and Michael's envoys to Transylvania in February 1594, at FeyĆ©rvĆ”r (BÄlgrad), though it is unclear if they sealed a working alliance there and then. The League had also attracted similar pledges from Sigismund BĆ”thory, who, as noted by various scholars, had been recognized by Aaron as his new liege. Others dispute that this vassalage was ever anything more than BĆ”thory's wishful thinking. In March Moldavia also received an imperial embassy led by Giovanni di Marini Poli, or "Raguseus". The treaty he signed with Aaron created the possibility for Moldavia to be placed under imperial immediacy; at this stage, Aaron was only required to spy on the Ottomans.
Revoltā»
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During those weeks, Rudolf involved Moldavia's court in his effort to forge an alliance that would strike the Ottomans in Dobruja and move toward Adrianople. The core of the invasion was to be a WallachianāMoldavianāZaporizhian alliance, but Rudolf also hoped to attract the Tsardom of Russia and at least some support from the Poles. In April, KomuloviÄ met with the Cossack Severyn Nalyvaiko at Kamianets-Podilskyi, and the Sich was formally co-opted into the League. Aaron shared these goals, dispatching his own delegationācomprising Kalogeras and the new Logothete, CrÄciun Grigorceaāto negotiate with the Zaporizhians. His court was visited by the Russian merchant Trifon Korobeynikov, who records that the Prince stood up to honor Tsar Feodor at every mention of his name. Aaron also made Vorsi his ambassador to KrakĆ³w, hoping to draw Polish support for the uprising. This initiative was defeated by Chancellor Jan Zamoyski, who pursued a pro-Ottoman line and tried to quell a Cossack insurgency, and who probably informed Murad of Aaron's betrayal.
The Ottomans again asked from their Crimean vassals that they intervene. Äazı II Giray submitted, staging raid on Moldavia: in June 1594, the Crimeans encircled Aron in his capital of IaČi, then devastated the surrounding region. Zamoyski made a perfunctory show of support for Moldavia, sending in the Polish-Lithuanian army. In August, it had only reached as far south as CernÄuČi (Chernivtsi). The Crimean hordes were nevertheless weakened by the Cossack invasion into their own base, and were vulnerable to attacks when grazing their horses. In July, Cossack troops returned to Moldavia. They were nominally allies of the Empire and responded to KomuloviÄ, but were in practice uncontrollable; they also regarded Aaron as a facilitator of the Crimeans, who had allowed Giray passage through Moldavia. Loboda and Nalyvaiko fused their armies, conquering and razing ČuČora before taking IaČi, destroying Moldavia's artillery in the process. Aaron, having panicked, barricaded himself in Putna Monastery. He eventually agreed to pay Loboda a large ransom in exchange for his subjects' safety. With help from BĆ”thory and Logothete Ivan Norocea, Aaron was also able to crush another insurgency by pro-Ottoman boyars. Their attempt at a coup formed part of a larger plot involving Balthasar BĆ”thory, nephew of the Transylvanian Prince, and SĆ”ndor Kendi.
By September 1594, the League project seemed abortive, with the Ottoman Army winning control of Raab and Komorn, from where it could threaten Vienna. According to Michael the Brave's own recollection, the sultan demanded that he and Aaron "unite" with Ottoman and Crimean troops from Dobruja, and "annihilate" Transylvania. During that interval, Aaron secretly traveled to parlay with the Transylvanians, passing through Corona (BraČov) on September 24.
He and Michael began coordinating their open rebellion, which would open a new battlefield behind Ottoman lines. Their uprising began on November 13, with Ottoman garrisons in both countries being overpowered and massacred. In Aaron's territories, victims included four ĆavuÅlar, whom Murad had sent over with gifts, hoping to restore Ottoman suzerainty amiably. By then, the Prince had also resumed his practice of dealing violently with his earlier sponsors, executing without trial a Greek banker, Nestor Nevridis, and 19 of his Jewish creditors. He forfeited all payments on Barton and Ashkenazi's loans; when the latter arrived to complain in IaČi, Aaron had him arrested and sent as a prisoner to Transylvania.
In October, Pope Clement was informed that Aaron had "joined with" Michael and Prince BĆ”thoryāthe latter, however, presented this treaty as his annexation of both Wallachia and Moldavia. Sultan Murad formally declared war on all three countries on November 28, but Michael had the initiative throughout December. In January 1595, Moldavia signed an alliance with the Zaporizhians, being thus "able to enlist them, if only in part, the Romanians' struggle for liberation." Aaron then moved against the Ottomans, joining forces with Michael and BĆ”thory in their raiding of Budjak and Dobruja. Polish writer Bartosz Paprocki recounts that Aaron gathered a new cohort of recruits, promising them that they could keep all spoils of war they captured individually. He "did not have a large army, but following his pledge his soldiers grew in numbers"; one estimate counts 15,000 Moldavians, with an additional 5,000 Transylvanians. Overturning the tide, they killed as many as 12,000 Crimeans on the field of battle, and captured another 1,000. A Venetian report of that period claims that Aaron thoroughly destroyed the Ottoman fortifications at Bender.
Assisted by Transylvanians and Cossacks, the Moldavians took Cetatea AlbÄ, Ismail and Chilia by March; two detachments crossed over the Danube and defeated the Crimeans in Dobruja, seizing ObluciČa. According to various reports, the Ottoman Army, defeated by Michael at Silistra and Turtukai, included in its ranks Stephen the Deaf, sent in by the Porte to replace Aaron, and Čtefan Bogdan Sasul, who sought the crown of Wallachia. After this strike, Aaron had extended his rule into all of Northern Dobruja, and had captured an unexpectedly large loot, including 100 cannons taken at Ismail. Paprocki believes that "8,000 Turks were killed in that battle".
Downfall and deathā»
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Prince BĆ”thory was unpersuaded by Aaron's efforts, moved to have him deposed and replaced. According to Marini Poli, the Moldavian ruler was preparing for a separate peace with the Ottomans, being instigated into this by his Greek advisers, the "enemies of Christendom". The period witnessed the arrival in Moldavia of Nikephoros Didaskalos, who agitated against alliances with the Catholics, seeing them as tools for a restored communion with the Holy See. The Pope received news that Aaron intended to "place himself and his belongings under ā» protection"; in contrast, Paprocki noted that Aaron was accused of conspiring mainly with Andrew BĆ”thory, the Prince's cousin and main rival.
A fragmentary Wallachian chronicle, copied by Stoica Ludescu, describes all such allegations of treason as "mendacious charges". Similarly, Xenopol notes that the accusation itself is incongruous, since Aaron had already made a public show of his disdain for Murad. He believes that Prince BĆ”thory was in fact angered by Aaron having declined to swear fealty during a public ceremony, which was set to take place in Transylvania. A Transylvanian diplomat, KristĆ³f KeresztĆŗri, had brought back news that Aaron only recognized as his sovereigns "the Pope and His Sacred Imperial Majesty", viewing BĆ”thory as a mere colleague.
The instrument of Prince BĆ”thory's coup was Čtefan RÄzvan, who had assumed control of Aaron's Hungarian guard. Famous for being a man of Romany (Gypsy) ethnicity, he had shown bravery in battle, but, according to Walther, was already "perfidious" toward his employer; according to Paprocki, he was BĆ”thory's "man of trust" in Moldavia. Aaron and his family were captured and detained at IaČi by BĆ”thory's men. As Xenopol notes, the populace never came to their rescue, still resenting the Prince "for his earlier plunders". The final day of his rule was April 23 or 24 (May 3 or 4 in New Style). Upon replacing him, RÄzvan formally pledged not to hand territory back to the Ottomans. Witnesses of the day report that the new ruler had extremely little authority, with all tax revenue in Moldavia being collected by the Transylvanian treasury.
Assisted by the Cossacks, BĆ”thory also purged the Moldavian boyardom of its Polish-supporting members. An avviso of May 1595 suggests that Aaron had entrusted his "sister", who was most likely Orzechowska, to look after "the principal fort" in Moldavia. According to that source, she and her children were captured and murdered there by the new coup organizers. Various records indicate that Aaron and his remaining family were taken into Transylvania shortly after Orthodox Easter 1595. During this interval, he had contacts with the Saxon community: between May 9 and 17, while the family lodged with Johann Hirscher of Corona, Aaron met and befriended chronicler Michael WeiĆ, who became his confidant. The former Prince was later imprisoned at Martinuzzi Castle in Alvinc (VinČu de Jos), where he spent the remainder of his life. The most precising dating of his death is May 1597.
As argued by historian Marius Diaconescu, the new MoldoāWallachianāTransylvanian alliances negotiated immediately after Aaron's downfall were effectively a union of the three countries under BĆ”thory's scepter, and masterminded by IstvĆ”n JĆ³sika. However, according to Ludescu's narrative, Aaron's downfall soured relations between Wallachia and Transylvania: Michael, who was not involved in the plot, looked "saddened" by news of his friend's arrest. His death in custody was also a point of contention between the Transylvanians and Wallachians in the period leading up to Mihael's conquest of Transylvania. As late as 1601, in his letters to Rudolf, Michael alleged that BĆ”thory's betrayals of the Holy League included killing Aaron. In this account, the deposed Prince had been made to drink "venom". A similar narrative is provided by WeiĆ, who further indicates JĆ³sika as the principal culprit. Various modern historians also agree that Aaron may have indeed been assassinated.
According to his own testimony, Michael had Aaron buried in the new Orthodox church at BÄlgrad, alongside a number of Wallachian boyars. In 1600, however, Michael's hold on the region was challenged by a Transylvanian civil war, opposing Michael to the BĆ”thorys and to the Imperial warlord Giorgio Basta. Basta recaptured BÄlgrad, and ordered the church vandalized. Aaron's remains were desecrated, or, as Michael notes: "they dug up the bones ā» and cast them out; even pagans had refrained from such inhuman deeds."
Legacyā»
Various accounts from the 1600s include brief notes about Aaron having several children or "sons". Some confusion regarding survivors from Aaron's family was sparked by a Mantuan report of 1595, which claimed that his widow, "Velica", had remarried the Transylvanian courtier Fabio Genga. This information was refuted by other evidence, showing that Genga's wife was actually Logothete Norocea's daughter and sister-in-law of Mihnea Turcitul. Aaron's real widow reunited with his stepson Marcu Cercel, and together they made their way to Bucharest, joining Michael's retinue before January 1598. A note by the Polish diplomat Andrzej Tarnowski also mentions them traveling together with Aron's natural son, whose name he renders as IliaČ. Scholar Maria-Venera RÄdulescu finds this an unreliable account, and argues that Tarnowski actually refers to Marcu's brother IonaČcu, who was not Aaron's blood relative.
A discredited theory, proposed by historian Ilie Minea, argues that Tarnowski's "Marcu" refers to Aaron's natural son, who had the same name as Cercel. Other scholarship traced the events of Cercel's subsequent life: he remained a close associate of Michael; in JulyāSeptember 1600, when Michael conquered and held Moldavia, he reigned as a subordinate Prince in IaČi. In competition with his brother Radu Petru, he also continued to claim the throne of Wallachia into the 1610s. By 1614, a Venetian adventurer, Zuanbattista Locadello, was hoping to obtain the Moldavian crown, presenting himself as Aaron's son. His conflict with the Bailo brought his arrest by the Ottomans and death in custody. Taking the Moldavian throne in 1634, Vasile Lupu, who was the son of Nicolae Coci and therefore Albanian, also encouraged rumors that he was actually Aaron's illegitimate child.
One more tradition claims Aaron as the ancestor of Petru Pavel Aron, an 18th-century Romanian intellectual and bishop of the Transylvanian Greek Catholic Church. This claim was recorded by scholar Gheorghe Čincai, who commented that it was "not baseless", and explored in more depth by Iosif Sterca-ČuluČiu, who was an Aron on his mother's side. According to the latter, Prince Aaron and Bishop Aron were collaterally related, from two lines originating with Aron of Pozsony.
Aaron's alliance with Michael in mid 1594 incidentally marks the final point of the Moldavian historical epic, as told by Grigore Ureche, and the first chapter of its continuation by Miron Costin. At Agapia, a local legend calls a stone landmark with faint carvings "Aron's Rock", claiming it as a monument to Nicanor's punishment and its avenging by the Prince. His legacy in culture also includes his sponsoring of St. Nicholas Church and of the First Romanian School, both of them in Čcheii BraČovului. This activity preoccupied him during late 1594, and again during his Transylvanian exile.
In his native Moldavia, Aaron was primarily remembered as a ktitor of the eponymous Aroneanu Church, on the Ciric Valleyāthough this was most likely first built by his alleged father, LÄpuČneanu. Ureche sees the church's rebuilding, which he dates to Anno Mundi 7102 (1594), as evidence that Aaron was finally atoning "for his many sins ā» trying to avert his punishment." As noted by Iorga, the Prince purposefully avoided making this establishment into a metochion of Mount Athos, resenting the Greek monks' accumulation of wealth. Included by Nicolescu among the more innovative buildings of late-medieval Moldavian art, with a typically Wallachian porch, Aroneanu borrows features from Ottoman architecture, including elements of tessellation which also influenced later work at RÄdeana. The building was heavily deteriorated and vandalized during the Soviet incursion of August 1944, and later restored; its name survives in the appellation of a surrounding village, also known as Aroneanu. Its arms, adopted in 2004, include a visual reference to Prince Aaron (a chief ermine).
Art historian Vasile DrÄguČ proposes that the late-medieval Princes who "made anti-Ottoman struggle their supreme policy objective" were also attuned to Western figurative art, introducing its canons in their respective countries. A Western-style portrait of Prince Aaron, painted in 1594, is kept at the Hungarian National Museum in Budapest. The piece is a relevant source for the coat of arms of Moldavia, depicting an aurochs head, blazoned proper, on azure shield, with one star, gules. Monochrome heraldic objects left by Aron include a seal he used in May 1593, which is also the first ever visual association between the Moldavian aurochs head and a sun.
-
Heraldic seal of Marcu Cercel as claimant Prince of Moldavia
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Coat of arms of Petru Pavel Aron, in a 1760 illustration
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Aroneanu Church in 2008
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Municipal coat of arms of Aroneanu
Notesā»
- ^ Damian P. Bogdan, "O strÄveche matrice de pecete romĆ¢neascÄ", in Studii Či Materiale de Istorie Medie, Vol. I, 1956, p. 248
- ^ MureČianu, p. 198; Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 81
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 227; MĆ¢rza (1998), p. 156
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 23
- ^ Kohen, p. 103
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 98
- ^ Xenopol V, p. 110
- ^ Mircea Pahomi, "FundaČii romĆ¢neČti Ć®n GaliČia ā Ucraina", in Analele Bucovinei, Vol. II, Issue 1, 1995, p. 105; Petre P. Panaitescu, "FundaČiuni religioase romĆ¢neČti Ć®n GaliČia", in Buletinul Comisiunii Monumentelor Istorice, Vol. XXII, Fascicle 59, JanuaryāMarch 1929, pp. 2ā3
- ^ Gorovei, pp. 195ā197. See also Iorga (1898), pp. 47, 53
- ^ Gorovei, p. 196
- ^ Alexandru Lapedatu, "Antecedente istorice ale IndependenČii romĆ¢ne", in Anuarul Institutului de Istorie NaČionalÄ, Vol. IV, 1926ā1927, pp. 296, 298
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 84
- ^ Iorga (1932), pp. 222, 227
- ^ Theodorescu (1979), p. 57 & (1987), p. 213
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 85
- ^ Iancu Cerkez, "Un concediu Ʈn 1886", in Magazin Istoric, July 1998, p. 61
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 84; Xenopol V, p. 110
- ^ Gane, p. 126
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 23; Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 84
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 83ā85; Xenopol V, p. 110
- ^ Kohen, pp. 102ā103
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 83ā84, 86ā88, 102
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 98ā102
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 97ā98
- ^ Cazacu, p. 176; Gane, p. 126; Iorga (1971), pp. 123ā124
- ^ Cazacu, p. 176
- ^ Pascu, pp. 87ā96; RÄdulescu, pp. 52ā53, 55
- ^ Rezachevici (2000), p. 10
- ^ RÄdulescu, p. 52
- ^ Denize, p. 158
- ^ Xenopol V, p. 113
- ^ Nicolescu, p. 197
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 26
- ^ Gane, pp. 118ā119
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 21ā22, 23ā24
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 21ā22, 23ā24; Pilat, p. 53
- ^ Gane, p. 119; Xenopol V, p. 109
- ^ Xenopol V, p. 109
- ^ M. CrÄciun, pp. 164ā166
- ^ Kohen, pp. 101ā103
- ^ Xenopol V, pp. 110ā111
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 22ā23
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 54ā55
- ^ Denize, pp. 157ā158; Maxim (1994), p. 25
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 23, 25. See also Kohen, pp. 102ā103; RĆ¢ncu, p. 177; Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 84, 86ā88; Xenopol V, pp. 110ā111
- ^ Dan FloareČ, "CĆ¢teva contribuČii privind originea Či Ć®nceputurile ascensiunii lui Gaspar GraČiani", in Ioan Neculce. Buletinul Muzeului de Istorie a Moldovei, Vols. IIāIII, 1996ā1997, p. 24. See also Xenopol V, p. 110
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 23ā25
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 10, 24, 25ā26, 44
- ^ Maxim (1994), pp. 25ā26
- ^ Xenopol V, p. 111
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 86ā87
- ^ Catrinar, p. 32
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 90ā91
- ^ PÄun, p. 163
- ^ PÄun, pp. 164, 184, 188
- ^ PÄun, pp. 186, 188ā190. See also Stoicescu (1971), pp. 45, 312
- ^ Cazacu, pp. 175ā176
- ^ Čtefan Andreescu, "Un om de afaceri romĆ¢n Ć®n spaČiul pontic la mijlocul veacului al XV-lea: 'Teodorcha de Telicha'", in Studii Či Materiale de Istorie Medie, Vol. XVI, 1998, p. 28
- ^ Gheorghe I. BrÄtianu, "O oaste moldoveneascÄ acum treÄ veacuri. (ĆncercÄrÄ de studiÄ istorice privitoare la vechile oČtirÄ romÄneČtÄ) ā RÄscoala boierimiÄ Ć®mpotriva lui Čtefan TomČa (1615)", in Revista IstoricÄ, Vol. II, Issues 3ā6, MarchāJune 1916, p. 68
- ^ MĆ¢rza (1998), pp. 156, 157
- ^ Catrinar, p. 28; Iorga (1898), pp. 49ā50, 52ā53; Stoicescu (1971), p. 296; Xenopol V, p. 111
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), pp. 295ā296. See also EČanu & EČanu, pp. 45ā46; Pilat, pp. 50ā53; Xenopol V, p. 112
- ^ Pilat, pp. 53ā55
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), pp. 294, 296; Xenopol V, p. 111
- ^ Ciobanu, pp. 47, 49
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 52ā53; Xenopol V, pp. 111ā112. See also EČanu & EČanu, p. 46
- ^ EČanu & EČanu, p. 46
- ^ Maxim (1977), p. 211
- ^ Xenopol V, p. 112
- ^ Maxim (1977), p. 215
- ^ Iorga (1898), p. 49
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 23. See also Iorga (1898), pp. 49, 54ā55; RĆ¢ncu, p. 177; Xenopol V, p. 113
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 49ā50 & (1932), pp. 221, 230ā231; Xenopol V, p. 113
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), pp. 321, 333
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 49ā50; RĆ¢ncu, pp. 177ā178
- ^ Ciobanu, pp. 47, 49, 50, 53
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), p. 335
- ^ M. CrÄciun, pp. 22, 165ā169, 181
- ^ M. CrÄciun, pp. 22, 99, 160ā161, 165ā169, 202ā203
- ^ M. CrÄciun, pp. 167ā168; Valentina-Cristina Sandu, "'Duce-vÄ-Či de la Mine, blestemaČilor!' O catagrafie a lumii pÄcÄtoase", in CercetÄri Istorice, Vols. XXIVāXXVI, 2005ā2007, p. 195
- ^ M. CrÄciun, p. 167
- ^ JaÄov, p. 68; Xenopol V, pp. 112ā113
- ^ Xenopol VI, p. 15
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 222
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 222; Xenopol VI, p. 15
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 24
- ^ Catrinar, p. 16; Denize, p. 158
- ^ Alexandra-Marcela Popescu, "CĆ¢teva consideraČii privind Ć®nvinuirea de 'hiclenie' Ć®n Moldova medievalÄ", in CercetÄri Istorice, Vols. XXIVāXXVI, 2005ā2007, p. 241
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 222; Xenopol VI, pp. 15ā16
- ^ Simonescu, pp. 20, 23ā25, 47, 52, 63, 76. See also Gane, p. 148; MĆ¢rza (1998), pp. 156ā157; Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 94ā95; Stoicescu (1971), p. 38; Xenopol V, pp. 112ā113
- ^ MĆ¢rza (1998), pp. 155ā157
- ^ Maxim (1994), p. 26; Xenopol VI, pp. 34ā35
- ^ Diaconescu, pp. 32ā33; Iorga (1932), p. 227
- ^ Xenopol VI, pp. 16ā18
- ^ Sergiu Iosipescu, "Dobrogea otomanÄ Či cazacii la cumpÄna veacurilor XVI/XVII", in Tahsin Gemil, Gabriel Custurea, Delia Roxana Cornea (eds.), MoČtenirea culturalÄ turcÄ Ć®n Dobrogea. Simpozion internaČional. ConstanČa, 24 septembrie, 2013, p. 109. Bucharest: Top Form, 2013. ISBN 978-606-8550-08-4
- ^ Alexander Basilevsky, Early Ukraine: A Military and Social History to the Midā19th Century, p. 222. Jefferson: McFarland & Company, 2016. ISBN 978-0-7864-9714-0
- ^ Stoicescu (1971), pp. 309, 312. See also PÄun, p. 168
- ^ Marian Stroia, "Imaginea 'celuilalt' Ć®n variantÄ est-europeanÄ: cÄlÄtorii ruČi Či spaČiul romĆ¢nesc pĆ¢nÄ la 1848", in Muzeul NaČional, Vol. XIX, 2007, p. 80ā81
- ^ PÄun, p. 168
- ^ MĆ¢rza (1998), p. 158
- ^ Ludmila Bacumenco-PĆ¢rnÄu, Mihai-Cristian AmÄriuČei, "TĆ¢rgul LÄpuČna Ć®n secolele XV-XVIII. Drumuri comerciale, mÄrfuri Či negustori Ć®ntre Orient Či Occident", in Gheorghe PosticÄ (ed.), LÄpuČna. Studii de istorie Či arheologie, p. 75. ChiČinÄu: AsociaČia ObČteascÄ PRO-Historica, 2015. ISBN 978-9975-4477-3-7
- ^ Xenopol VI, p. 16
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 223
- ^ MĆ¢rza (2000), pp. 302ā303
- ^ Gabriel-Virgil Rusu, "PoliticÄ Či societate Ć®n Principatul Transilvaniei la sfĆ¢rČitul secolului al XVI-lea: conspiraČia nobiliarÄ de la Cluj (1594)", in Revista Crisia, Vol. XXXVIII, 2008, pp. 68ā70
- ^ Xenopol VI, p. 21
- ^ Iorga (1925), p. 2
- ^ MureČianu, p. 197
- ^ Xenopol VI, pp. 22ā28
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 92; Xenopol VI, pp. 27ā28, 34
- ^ PÄun, p. 171
- ^ (in Romanian) Carol Iancu, "Stereotipuri antievreieČti ale lui Iuda Iscarioteanul: exemplul RomĆ¢niei", in Apostrof, Vol. XXVIII, Issue 11, 2017; Constantin Rezachevici, "Evreii din ČÄrile romĆ¢ne Ć®n evul mediu", in Magazin Istoric, September 1995, p. 61
- ^ JaÄov, p. 67
- ^ E. CrÄciun, pp. 146ā147
- ^ Pleter, p. 201
- ^ Ion ChirtoagÄ, Valentina ChirtoagÄ, "MovileČtii, polonezii Či sud-estul Moldovei", in Revista de Istorie a Moldovei, Issues 1ā2/2006, p. 28
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 224
- ^ E. CrÄciun, p. 147; Denize, pp. 171ā172; Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 92ā93; Xenopol VI, pp. 27ā28
- ^ Iorga (1898), pp. 60ā61 & (1925), pp. 3ā4; Simonescu, pp. 20, 34, 35, 37. See also Pleter, p. 201
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 225ā226; Pleter, p. 201; Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 93; Xenopol VI, p. 28
- ^ MureČianu, p. 199
- ^ Denize, p. 171; Gane, p. 126; JaÄov, p. 68; Pleter, p. 195; Simonescu, p. 48; Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 96; Xenopol VI, pp. 34ā35
- ^ Iorga (1971), p. 150
- ^ JaÄov, p. 68
- ^ Pleter, p. 195
- ^ Simonescu, p. 48
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 96ā97; Xenopol VI, pp. 34ā35. See also Diaconescu, pp. 32ā33; Iorga (1932), p. 227
- ^ Iorga (1932), pp. 227, 232
- ^ Gane, p. 126; Xenopol VI, pp. 34ā35; Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 96ā97
- ^ Simonescu, pp. 48, 82
- ^ Xenopol VI, p. 35
- ^ N. Stoicescu, "ViaČa ČtiinČificÄ. Ćn slujba adevÄrului (rÄspuns la 'O dovadÄ de rea credinČÄ')", in Revista de Istorie, Vol. 3, Issue 8, 1977, p. 1574
- ^ Denize, p. 171
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 226
- ^ Gorovei, p. 197
- ^ MureČianu, pp. 197ā199
- ^ MĆ¢rza (2000), p. 307; MureČianu, p. 199; Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 96ā97. See also Simonescu, p. 48
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 97
- ^ Diaconescu, pp. 33ā34
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 97; Xenopol VI, p. 35
- ^ Diaconescu, p. 33; MĆ¢rza (2000), p. 307
- ^ Iorga (1925), p. 9
- ^ Iorga (1932), p. 226; Pleter, p. 195
- ^ Iorga (1932), pp. 225, 229 & (1925), p. 10; MĆ¢rza (2000), p. 307
- ^ Pascu, pp. 91, 93; RÄdulescu, p. 55
- ^ RÄdulescu, p. 55
- ^ Pascu, pp. 93, 94
- ^ Pascu, pp. 91ā92; RÄdulescu, pp. 55ā57; Rezachevici (2000), pp. 9ā10; Stoicescu (1971), pp. 37, 41, 75, 86, 100
- ^ Pascu, pp. 93ā97
- ^ Nicolae Iorga, DouÄ tradiČii istorice Ć®n Balcani ā a Italiei Či a romĆ¢nilor, p. 11. Bucharest etc.: LibrÄriile Socec & Comp. etc., 1913
- ^ Eric R. Dursteler, Venetians in Constantinople: Nation, Identity, and Coexistence in the Early Modern Mediterranean, pp. 138ā139. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006. ISBN 0-8018-8324-5
- ^ Theodorescu (1979), pp. 46, 56ā57, 65
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, p. 78
- ^ Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 78, 98ā102
- ^ Catrinar, pp. 16ā17
- ^ MureČianu, passim. See also Sterca-ČuluČiu, pp. 93ā94
- ^ Bodale, p. 169; Cheptea, passim; Theodorescu (1987), pp. 213ā214
- ^ Cheptea, p. 29
- ^ Iorga (1971), p. 123
- ^ Nicolescu, pp. 200, 261
- ^ Theodorescu (1987), p. 213
- ^ Bodale, pp. 169ā170
- ^ "Guvernul RomĆ¢niei. HotÄrĆ¢rea nr. 817/2004 privind aprobarea stemei comunei Aroneanu, judeČul IaČi", in Monitorul Oficial, Issue 513, 2004
- ^ Vasile DrÄguČ, "Pictura veche romĆ¢neascÄ (sec. XIāXVIII)", in Vasile DrÄguČ, Vasile Florea, Dan Grigorescu, Marin Mihalache (eds.), Pictura romĆ¢neascÄ Ć®n imagini, pp. 80ā81. Bucharest: Editura Meridiane, 1970. OCLC 5717220
- ^ Dan Cernovodeanu, ČtiinČa Či arta heraldicÄ Ć®n RomĆ¢nia, p. 121. Bucharest: Editura ČtiinČificÄ Či enciclopedicÄ, 1977. OCLC 469825245
- ^ Tudor-Radu Tiron, "Despre 'soarele de amiazÄ' din stema lui Čtefan cel Mare", in Analele Putnei, Vol. 5, Issue 1, 2009, p. 56
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- "Public Či privat la sfĆ¢rČitul secolului al XVI-lea. LogofÄtul Ivan Norocea Či fiica sa Velica ā contemporanii lui Mihai Viteazul", in Revista BistriČei, Vol. XIV, 2000, pp. 300ā310.
- Mihai Maxim,
- "L'autonomie de la Moldavie et de la Valachie dans les actes officiels de la Porte, au cours de la seconde moitiĆ© du XVIe siĆØcle", in Revue des Ćtudes Sud-est EuropĆ©ennes, Vol. XV, Issue 2, AprilāJune 1977, pp. 207ā232.
- "Haraciul Moldovei Či ČÄrii RomĆ¢neČti Ć®n ultimul sfert al veacului XVI", in Studii Či Materiale de Istorie Medie, Vol. XII, 1994, pp. 3ā46.
- Aurel A. MureČianu, "ClÄdirea Čcoalei romĆ¢neČti din BraČov de cÄtrÄ popa Mihai Ć®n anul 1597", in Anuarul Institutului de Istorie NaČionalÄ, Vol. IV, 1926ā1927, pp. 195ā227.
- Corina Nicolescu, "Arta Ć®n ČÄrile romĆ¢ne Ć®n secolele XVIIāXVIII"; "Arta Ć®n Moldova Ć®n secolele XVIIāXVIII", in George Oprescu (ed.), ScurtÄ istorie a artelor plastice Ć®n R.P.R., Vol. 1, pp. 197ā200, 261ā283. Bucharest: Editura Academiei, 1957. OCLC 7162839
- Čtefan Pascu, Petru Cercel Či Čara RomĆ¢neascÄ la sfĆ¢rČitul sec. XVI. Sibiu: Institute of National History & Tipografia Cartea RomĆ¢neascÄ, 1944. OCLC 869202971
- Radu G. PÄun, "Les grands officiers d'origine grĆ©co-levantine de Moldavie au XVIIe siĆØcle. Offices, carriĆØres et stratĆ©gies de pouvoir", in Revue des Ćtudes Sud-est EuropĆ©ennes, Vol. XLV, 2007, pp. 153ā197.
- Liviu Pilat, ComunitÄČi tÄcute. Satele din parohia SÄbÄoani (secolele XVIIāXVIII). IaČi: Editura Presa BunÄ, 2002. ISBN 973-86073-1-0
- Tiberiu Pleter, "RealitÄČi istorice romĆ¢neČti oglindite Ć®n scrierea Diadochos a lui BartoÅomej Paprocki (sfĆ¢rČitul secolului al XV-lea)", in Romanoslavica, Vol. XLII, 2007, pp. 185ā201.
- Maria-Venera RÄdulescu, "Marcu, fiul principelui Petru Cercel (1583ā1585). Cahle medievale descoperite la Cerbureni, jud. ArgeČ, Či la TĆ¢rgoviČte, jud. DĆ¢mboviČa (Curtea DomneascÄ Či zona Bisericii Stelea)", in Muzeul NaČional, Vol. XXV, 2013, pp. 47ā66.
- Emilia RĆ¢ncu, "'Aventura moldoveneascÄ' a cazacilor Ć®n a doua jumÄtate a secolului al XVI-lea", in Anuarul SocietÄČii de ČtiinČe Istorice din RomĆ¢nia, Filiala CĆ¢mpina, Vol. 4, 2013, pp. 168ā180.
- Constantin Rezachevici, "Mihai Viteazul: itinerarul moldovean", in Magazin Istoric, May 2000, pp. 5ā11.
- Dan Simonescu, "Cronica lui Baltasar Walther despre Mihai Viteazul Ć®n raport cu cronicile interne contemporane", in Studii Či Materiale de Istorie Medie, Vol. III, 1959, pp. 7ā100.
- Iosif Sterca-ČuluČiu, "Pro memoria. Episcopul Aaron de Bistra Či Aron VodÄ", in Transilvania, Vol. XXXVI, Issue II, MarchāApril 1905, pp. 70ā105.
- N. Stoicescu, DicČionar al marilor dregÄtori din Čara RomĆ¢neascÄ Či Moldova. Sec. XIVāXVII. Bucharest: Editura enciclopedicÄ, 1971. OCLC 822954574
- RÄzvan Theodorescu,
- Itinerarii medievale. Bucharest: Editura Meridiane, 1979. OCLC 878240523
- CivilizaČia romĆ¢nilor Ć®ntre medieval Či modern. Orizontul imaginii (1550ā1800), Vol. II. Bucharest: Editura Meridiane, 1987. OCLC 159900650
- A. D. Xenopol, Istoria RomĆ®nilor. Vol. V: De la Petru RareČ la MihaÄ Viteazul: 1566ā1593; Vol. VI: Epoca luÄ Mihai Viteazul: 1593ā1633. IaČi: Editura LibrÄrieÄ FraČiÄ Čaraga, 1896. OCLC 163817843 & OCLC 163817844
Regnal titles | ||
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Preceded by | Prince of Moldavia 1591ā1592 |
Succeeded by |
Preceded by | Prince of Moldavia 1592ā1595 |
Succeeded by |
- 1597 deaths
- Monarchs of Moldavia
- 16th-century Romanian people
- House of Bogdan-MuČat
- People of the Long Turkish War
- History of Moldavia (1504ā1711)
- Eastern Orthodox Christians from Romania
- Protestantism in Romania
- People in Christian ecumenism
- CatholicāEastern Orthodox ecumenism
- Jewish Romanian history
- Romanian art patrons
- Prisoners and detainees of the Principality of Transylvania
- Romanian people who died in prison custody